{"id":102,"date":"2025-09-11T09:44:34","date_gmt":"2025-09-11T09:44:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/?p=102"},"modified":"2025-10-07T17:16:49","modified_gmt":"2025-10-07T14:16:49","slug":"abnin-yumusak-karni-macaristan-ve-slovakyada-otoriterlesme-ve-rusya-faktoru","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/?p=102","title":{"rendered":"AB\u2019nin Yumu\u015fak Karn\u0131: Macaristan ve Slovakya\u2019da Otoriterle\u015fme ve Rusya Fakt\u00f6r\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Orta Avrupa siyasetinde son y\u0131llarda g\u00f6zlemlenen en belirgin geli\u015fmelerden biri, demokratik kurumlar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla paralel bi\u00e7imde Rusya\u2019n\u0131n artan etkisidir. \u00d6zellikle Macaristan ve Slovakya \u00f6rnekleri bu e\u011filimi somutla\u015ft\u0131ran en dikkat \u00e7ekici iki vaka olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Her iki \u00fclkede de h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin ve siyasi elitlerin Br\u00fcksel yerine Moskova\u2019ya daha yak\u0131n bir \u00e7izgi izlemesi, Avrupa Birli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 zay\u0131flatmakta ve b\u00f6lgesel kutupla\u015fmay\u0131 derinle\u015ftirmektedir. S\u00f6z konusu e\u011filim yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f politikadaki y\u00f6nelimlerle de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u00e7 politikada muhalefet \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar ve medyan\u0131n kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131yla da ili\u015fkilidir. Bu nedenle hem Slovakya hem de Macaristan, Orta Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan belirleyici s\u0131nav alanlar\u0131 olarak dikkatle incelenmesi gereken \u00f6rneklerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Slovakya \u00f6zelinde son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler, demokratik gerilemenin toplumsal tepkiyle nas\u0131l kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermektedir. \u00dclkede Ba\u015fbakan Robert Fico\u2019nun h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, Rusya ile yak\u0131nla\u015fan politikalar\u0131 ve Ukrayna\u2019ya deste\u011fin kesilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ad\u0131mlar\u0131 nedeniyle yo\u011fun protestolarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu protestolar sadece klasik bir muhalefet g\u00f6sterisi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda Avrupa Birli\u011fi ile Rusya aras\u0131nda s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir \u00fclkenin kimlik krizinin yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. Slovakya\u2019da sokaklara \u00e7\u0131kan on binlerce insan, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin Rusya yanl\u0131s\u0131 duru\u015funu ve ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131s\u0131tlayan politikalar\u0131n\u0131 hedef alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fico\u2019nun s\u00f6ylemleri ve uygulamalar\u0131, Slovakya\u2019y\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n merkezinden giderek uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, Rusya\u2019ya daha ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00e7izgiye itmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu durum, hem \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 demokrasisi hem de AB i\u00e7erisindeki konumu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ciddi bir k\u0131r\u0131lma noktas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Macaristan\u2019da ise benzer bir tablo farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde sahnelenmektedir. Uzun s\u00fcredir iktidarda olan Viktor Orb\u00e1n, Moskova ile yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, muhalefet cephesinde de Rusya\u2019n\u0131n do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahale iddialar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015ftir. Macar muhalefet liderlerinin, Kremlin\u2019in \u00fclkedeki siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lere do\u011frudan etki etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca dost h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerle de\u011fil, muhalefet ve toplumsal yap\u0131lar \u00fczerinde de bir n\u00fcfuz kurma stratejisi izledi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu iddialar, Macaristan\u2019\u0131n Avrupa Birli\u011fi i\u00e7erisindeki konumunu daha da tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 hale getirmekte; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Br\u00fcksel\u2019de Macaristan\u2019\u0131n Rusya\u2019ya adeta \u201cTruva at\u0131\u201d i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde giderek g\u00fc\u00e7lenen bir kanaat olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece Macaristan, hem i\u00e7erideki demokratik normlardan uzakla\u015fmas\u0131 hem de d\u0131\u015far\u0131da Kremlin\u2019le kurdu\u011fu ba\u011flar nedeniyle Avrupa\u2019daki liberal demokrasinin k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Her iki \u00fclkenin durumuna birlikte bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Orta Avrupa\u2019da benzer dinamiklerin farkl\u0131 siyasi ko\u015fullarda yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fini g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Slovakya\u2019da Rusya etkisi daha \u00e7ok h\u00fck\u00fcmet politikalar\u0131 ve do\u011frudan toplumsal tepkiler \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131rken, Macaristan\u2019da bu etki siyasal alan\u0131n t\u00fcm akt\u00f6rlerini kapsayan daha geni\u015f bir m\u00fcdahale bi\u00e7iminde kendini g\u00f6stermektedir. Ancak sonu\u00e7 itibar\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tablo benzerdir: demokratik kurumlar\u0131n i\u015flevsizle\u015fmesi, muhalif seslerin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve AB ile giderek gerilen ili\u015fkiler. Bu ba\u011flamda, Orta Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6z konusu iki \u00fclkesi, Kremlin\u2019in etki alan\u0131n\u0131n Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin kalbine kadar nas\u0131l n\u00fcfuz edebildi\u011fini g\u00f6steren \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu tabloyu tarihsel ba\u011flam i\u00e7inde okumak da \u00f6nemlidir. Macaristan ve Slovakya, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131nda Sovyet n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplumsal haf\u0131zada Moskova\u2019n\u0131n etkisi h\u00e2l\u00e2 canl\u0131d\u0131r. Her iki \u00fclkenin AB ve NATO\u2019ya \u00fcyelikleri, Bat\u0131\u2019ya y\u00f6nelimin bir garantisi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclse de bu y\u00f6nelimin ne kadar sa\u011flam temellere dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan gerilemeler, asl\u0131nda bu \u00fclkelerde demokratikle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin y\u00fczeysel kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kurumlar in\u015fa edilemedi\u011fini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle medya \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, yarg\u0131n\u0131n siyasalla\u015fmas\u0131 ve muhalefetin kurumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmas\u0131, Rusya gibi d\u0131\u015f akt\u00f6rlerin n\u00fcfuz kurmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran yap\u0131sal zeminler yaratmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa Birli\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan mesele sadece demokratik standartlar de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda g\u00fcvenlik politikalar\u0131d\u0131r. Slovakya ve Macaristan\u2019\u0131n Moskova\u2019ya yak\u0131n \u00e7izgi izlemesi, Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131na dair ortak pozisyonlar\u0131n suland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. AB\u2019nin Rusya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapt\u0131r\u0131m kararlar\u0131n\u0131n tam anlam\u0131yla uygulanamamas\u0131, Birli\u011fin cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zay\u0131flatmakta ve Putin\u2019in stratejik hedeflerine hizmet etmektedir. Bu noktada, Orta Avrupa \u00fclkelerinin Kremlin\u2019e a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201carka kap\u0131\u201d, yaln\u0131zca Br\u00fcksel\u2019in siyasi birli\u011fini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda NATO\u2019nun askeri uyumunu da tehdit eden bir k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131k yaratmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bununla birlikte, bu geli\u015fmeleri yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f politika ve Rusya fakt\u00f6r\u00fcyle a\u00e7\u0131klamak eksik olacakt\u0131r. Slovakya ve Macaristan\u2019daki y\u00f6nelimler, ayn\u0131 zamanda ekonomik sorunlar, toplumsal kutupla\u015fma ve elitlerin g\u00fc\u00e7 yar\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla da ili\u015fkilidir. Y\u00fckselen enflasyon, gelir adaletsizli\u011fi ve sosyal g\u00fcvencelerin zay\u0131flamas\u0131, halk\u0131n bir kesiminde otoriter liderlere duyulan deste\u011fi art\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bu da demokratik kurumlar\u0131n gerilemesini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran bir toplumsal taban yaratmaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece Moskova yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan bir akt\u00f6r olarak de\u011fil, mevcut k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131klar\u0131 derinle\u015ftiren bir akt\u00f6r g\u00f6revi g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AB\u2019nin bu tablo kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda elindeki ara\u00e7lar s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Birlik, hukuki s\u00fcre\u00e7ler ve fon kesintileriyle bask\u0131 kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fsa da, bu y\u00f6ntemler hem toplumsal etkide yetersiz kalmakta hem de iktidarlardaki ve toplumdaki milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemlerini beslemektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Orb\u00e1n, Br\u00fcksel\u2019in ele\u015ftirilerini \u201culusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa sald\u0131r\u0131\u201d olarak \u00e7er\u00e7eveleyerek kendi taban\u0131n\u0131 daha da sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Slovakya\u2019da Fico da benzer \u015fekilde \u201cBr\u00fcksel\u2019in bask\u0131s\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemini kullanarak Rusya ile yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu durum, AB\u2019nin demokratik gerilemeye kar\u015f\u0131 daha yarat\u0131c\u0131 ve kapsaml\u0131 stratejiler geli\u015ftirmesi gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplumsal d\u00fczeyde ise Slovakya\u2019daki protestolar, halk\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir demokratik refleks g\u00f6sterebildi\u011fini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Bu protestolar, Fico\u2019nun politikalar\u0131n\u0131n otomatik olarak kabul edilmedi\u011fini ve toplumun geni\u015f bir kesiminin Avrupa de\u011ferlerine ba\u011fl\u0131 kalmak istedi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Macaristan\u2019da muhalefetin sesinin daha k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 olmas\u0131, benzer bir toplumsal diren\u00e7 hareketinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 zorla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Ancak Rusya m\u00fcdahalesi iddialar\u0131, toplumda yeni tart\u0131\u015fmalar a\u00e7arak bu sessizli\u011fi k\u0131rma potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak Slovakya ve Macaristan, Orta Avrupa\u2019da demokratik normlar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Rusya etkisinin en \u00e7ok hissedildi\u011fi \u00fclkeler konumuna gelmi\u015ftir. Slovakya\u2019daki kitlesel protestolar, toplumun h\u00e2l\u00e2 diren\u00e7 g\u00f6sterebilece\u011fini g\u00f6sterirken; Macaristan\u2019daki m\u00fcdahale iddialar\u0131 Kremlin\u2019in n\u00fcfuzunun ne kadar sistematik oldu\u011funu ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. \u0130ki \u00fclkenin ortak noktas\u0131, AB\u2019nin merkezinde yer almalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen Moskova\u2019ya yak\u0131nla\u015farak Birli\u011fin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc zay\u0131flatmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu da bize, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011finin yaln\u0131zca b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta \u00f6l\u00e7ekli \u00fcyelerin i\u00e7 siyasi y\u00f6nelimlerine de ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. E\u011fer bu e\u011filimler tersine \u00e7evrilemezse, Orta Avrupa giderek AB\u2019nin yumu\u015fak karn\u0131 haline gelecek ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa siyasetinde daha da belirleyici bir akt\u00f6r olmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Orta Avrupa siyasetinde son y\u0131llarda g\u00f6zlemlenen en belirgin geli\u015fmelerden biri, demokratik kurumlar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla paralel bi\u00e7imde Rusya\u2019n\u0131n artan etkisidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[147,148,162,159,163,160],"class_list":["post-102","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-siyaset","tag-avrupa-birligi","tag-european-union","tag-hungary","tag-macaristan","tag-slovakia","tag-slovakya"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=102"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":105,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102\/revisions\/105"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=102"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=102"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/diplomatica.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=102"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}